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M23 Rebels seize Uvira, Democratic Republic of Congo

  • Writer: Matthew Parish
    Matthew Parish
  • 33 minutes ago
  • 12 min read
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M23 Batomboki bakangi Uvira, na République démocratique du Congo

(Version lingala elandi na se ya lingala)


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The fall on 10 December 2025 of Uvira to the March 23 Movement rebels marks a profound moment in the uneasy history of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Although the region is no stranger to violence, the speed, scope and symbolism of this particular capture have unsettled not only the Congolese state but also the delicate political architecture of the Great Lakes region. What occurred in Uvira was not another incremental shift on a crowded battlefield. Rather it appears to be a decisive rupture in the regional balance of power, challenging frameworks of diplomacy that only days earlier were being celebrated as a new path towards peace.


We consider the significance of Uvira’s fall in light of the ongoing deterioration of security across eastern Congo, the mounting humanitarian emergency and the tectonic pressures now reshaping relationships among the states bordering this volatile territory.


A City of Strategic and Symbolic Weight


Uvira occupies a vital position on the northern shore of Lake Tanganyika. Although smaller than Bukavu or Goma, she is a crossroads for commercial, military and humanitarian movement. Roads through Uvira connect the interior of South Kivu province to Burundi, Rwanda and Tanzania. Moreover as Bukavu fell earlier in 2025, Uvira assumed the role of temporary administrative capital of South Kivu in Democratic Republic of Congo. She therefore held not only strategic utility but also political legitimacy, acting as the last foothold of the provincial authorities in a year defined by territorial loss.


To take Uvira is to sever the Congolese state’s institutional presence in the south of the Kivu provinces. It leaves the central government’s authority frayed, stretched along a thin line of embattled towns and collapsing transport corridors. When M23 rebels entered Uvira, they did so with a momentum built upon earlier advances in Goma and Bukavu. Their trajectory has been relentless. The capture of Uvira confirms what regional observers have quietly feared: M23 possesses not only operational strength but a capacity to govern, tax and administer territories over prolonged periods, thereby shaping the political economy of eastern Congo in her own interests and those of her external backers.


Humanitarian Consequences: A Crisis Within a Crisis


The plight of civilians is once again central to any honest examination of the region. Within hours of the rebel thrust towards Uvira, vast columns of displaced people moved southwards, many crossing into Burundi. United Nations agencies estimate that some two hundred thousand people have fled in the immediate aftermath. For those familiar with the region’s topography, it is clear that such numbers strain the capacities of any neighbouring state. Burundi herself has endured cycles of political and ethnic stress over the past decades. The sudden influx of traumatised Congolese families risks further inflaming tensions within her borders.


The conditions awaiting those who remain in rebel-controlled territory are unlikely to provide meaningful respite. M23’s governance record elsewhere includes forced labour, arbitrary taxation, heavy-handed policing and the suppression of free expression. Young men in particular report being targeted, either for conscription or for punishment if suspected of sympathising with government-aligned militia. Markets operate under strict oversight; restrictions are placed upon movement; and civic spaces shrink rapidly under the shadow of rebel administration. Uvira now faces the prospect of a similar fate, with grave implications for human rights and the preservation of civil society.


An Unravelling of Diplomacy


Perhaps the most striking dimension of Uvira’s fall is its timing. Only days earlier, presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda had signed a peace agreement in Washington, heralded as a turning point in a conflict that has defied numerous diplomatic initiatives. Yet the accord did not include the M23 rebels, nor did it directly address the complex mosaic of militia groups operating across eastern Congo. As such, its exclusions were always likely to limit its immediate efficacy.


Nevertheless few anticipated that its fragility would be exposed so swiftly. The capture of Uvira not only undermines the credibility of the accord but also raises fundamental questions about the diplomatic strategy that underpinned it. Agreements between states may be necessary, yet they are insufficient when the most potent armed actors exist outside conventional political frameworks. This is not a conflict that can be stabilised through bilateral negotiation alone. The power dynamics of eastern Congo have long been shaped by informal alliances, ethnic ties, resource exploitation networks and shifting external sponsorship. Unless these realities feature honestly at the negotiation table, diplomacy will continue to underestimate the strength of those who hold guns rather than government portfolios.


The Regional Dimension: A Growing Web of Risks


Eastern Congo has always been an international conflict, regardless of its domestic origins. Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi and Tanzania remain deeply affected by developments along their shared borders. The capture of Uvira heightens these anxieties for several reasons.


First, Uvira’s proximity to Burundi places immense pressure upon a state with limited capacity to absorb new refugees or contain armed actors attempting to exploit cross-border dynamics. Smugglers, rebel recruiters and resource traffickers thrive where borders become porous under humanitarian strain. If M23 consolidates administrative control in Uvira, it may seek to influence or manipulate cross-border flows for economic advantage, thereby drawing Burundi deeper into a conflict she has tried to manage at arm’s length.


Second, the question of Rwanda’s involvement, despite Kigali’s repeated denials, looms over every analysis. Numerous international reports suggest that Rwanda provides strategic support to M23 in the form of training, arms, intelligence and occasionally personnel. If this assessment is accurate, Rwanda’s geopolitical posture is shifting from indirect involvement towards the shaping of territorial outcomes. Should Kigali regard M23’s advances as a mechanism to secure her influence across eastern Congo, we may be witnessing the early stages of a new regional order — one in which formal boundaries soften and de facto zones of influence emerge, governed not by constitutional law but by the realities of military force.


Third, other armed groups operating in Congo may interpret M23’s success as evidence of the state’s waning authority. This might encourage further offensives elsewhere, deepening fragmentation. The spectre of a Congo divided into competing fiefdoms, each governed by its own militia or foreign-backed proxy, cannot be dismissed.


A Contest Over Resources and Revenues


The eastern Congo is one of the most resource-rich regions of Africa. Coltan, gold, tin and other minerals underpin global supply chains yet remain a source of immense local suffering. Whoever controls the land controls the revenue streams. M23’s presence in Uvira extends her access not only to overland routes but also to lake transport corridors across Lake Tanganyika. These could become channels for illicit trade, further fuelling the war economy that sustains multiple armed actors.


The Congolese state, already weakened by repeated military defeats, risks losing not only territorial sovereignty but also control over vital mining revenues. Without these, her capacity to pay soldiers, strengthen institutions or govern effectively will erode further. Regional actors are acutely aware of this danger, for resource flows often determine power dynamics more decisively than diplomatic communiqués.


The Prospects for Peace and the Dangers of Entrenchment


As the world turns its attention to the humanitarian catastrophe, one must also confront the structural implications of M23’s takeover. Once entrenched, the rebels may seek to construct parallel institutions. These would include taxation systems, security forces, courts, administrative offices and mechanisms for trade regulation. Such structures create a veneer of normality but also render conflict resolution more complex. A rebel group that governs territory becomes harder to dislodge through negotiation, for it possesses both leverage and an interest in preserving the status quo.


It is therefore conceivable that Uvira will not be the last major urban centre to fall unless regional actors adopt a coordinated approach to limit M23’s operational space. Yet military containment alone will not suffice. The grievances and economic circumstances that have allowed armed groups to flourish require sustained political attention, institutional reform and external financial commitment.


A Turning Point with Uncertain Consequences


The seizure of Uvira by M23 rebels stands as a stark reminder of the fragility that continues to define eastern Congo. It has exposed the limitations of hurried diplomacy, revived old fears of regional escalation and cast hundreds of thousands of civilians into acute distress. The consequences reach far beyond the shores of Lake Tanganyika. They will influence relationships between Congo and her neighbours, shape humanitarian and economic conditions across the region, and determine whether the Great Lakes drift towards a new cycle of conflict or find a way back to stability.


For now, Uvira sits under rebel rule. Her people wait to see what form that rule will take. Her neighbours brace for the ripple effects. Her government faces an existential challenge to her authority. And the international community must reconsider the nature of peace in a region where armed groups, not governments, continue to dictate the pace of change.


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The Community Support Center / CSC-Abasi, an NGO in Uvira designed to support women and children displaced by conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, www.csc-drc.org, is a community partner with the Ukraine Development Trust, www.development-foundation.org, the owner of the Lviv Herald, and whose principal trustee is a member of the World Economic Forum.


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Kokwea ya Uvira na mokolo ya 10 sanza ya zomi na mibale 2025 na maboko ya ba rebelé ya Mouveima ya le 23 Mars (M23) emonisi tango moko ya makasi na masolo ya pasi ya bitumba na este ya Republiki Demokratiki ya Congo. Atako etúká wana esengeli na makambo ya mabe, ndenge ya lombango, monene mpe elingi ya mabe oyo ekangisaki engumba wana esilisaki boboto, kaka te na Leta ya Congo, kasi mpe na etando ya politiki ya mpɛmpɛ ya Etúká ya Mai-Na-Mayi. Oyo esalemaki na Uvira ezalaki te lokola ndenge mosusu ya moke na esika ya bitumba ya bato ebele. Ezali nde kolakisa boluki ya sika na bokasi ya mokili, oyo etuni nionso na ndenge ya boyokani na politiki oyo mikolo miike liboso ezalaki komonama lokola nzela ya sika ya kimia.


Tokokanisa ntina ya kokwea ya Uvira kolanda ndenge mabe ya bobebi ya bokengi na este ya Congo, pasi ya bato ebele oyo ezali kobakisama tango nyonso mpe makoki ya makasi oyo sik’oyo ezali kosala mbongwana na boyokani ya bikólo oyo ezali pembe pene na mokili oyo ezali kotonda na likama.


Engumba ya monene na bokasi mpe na elingi


Uvira ezali na esika ya ntina na mombamboli ya nola ya etúká ya Lake Tanganyika. Atako azali moke koleka Bukavu to Goma, azali nzela ya malonga mpo na mombongo, basoda mpe basungi bato. Nzela oyo ekotaka na kati ya Sud-Kivu epai ya Uvira ekendaka na Burundi, Rwanda mpe Tanzani. Mpe tango Bukavu ekweyaki na ebandeli ya 2025, Uvira akamataki mosala ya bokonzi ya ntango ya Sud-Kivu na RDC. Boye azalaki na ntina ya strateji mpe mpe bokonzi ya politiki, lokola engumba ya suka oyo bakonzi ya etúká bazalaki naino na bokonzi na mbula oyo etondaki na bobungi ya mabele.


Kokamata Uvira ezali kokata boloko ya Leta ya Congo na Kivu ya sudi. Ezali kotika bokonzi ya mboka na lolenge ya pete, elongi na zamba ya bingumba yango oyo etondi na bitumba mpe ba nzela ya transport oyo ezali kobeba. Tango ba rebelé ya M23 bakotaki na Uvira, bakotaki na makasi oyo basalaki liboso na Goma mpe Bukavu. Mobembo na bango ezali kopema te. Kokanga Uvira elakisaki makambo oyo balingi mingi te koyebisa polele: M23 azali kaka te na bokasi ya bitumba, kasi mpe na makoki ya kotambwisa, kofuta mpako mpe kotambwisa mabele na tango molai, mpe yango etongaka politiki mpe ekonomi ya este ya Congo mpo na bolamu na bango mpe na bolamu ya bato ya libanda oyo bazali kotikala kolanda bango.


Makambo ya bato: pasi na pasi


Pasi ya bato ezali lisusu kati na elobeli ya sembo ya etúká. Na koleka moke mpo ba rebelé babanda kokotisa monyolɔ na Uvira, ebele ya bato bakimaki na sudi, mingi ekatisaki ekuke na Burundi. Masanga ya ONU elobi ete bato pene na nkoto nkama mibale bakimaki na boumeli ya mikolo miike. Mpo na bato bayebi molongo ya nzela ya etúká wana, bazali koyeba ete bato boye mingi bakotisi mbongo mingi na makoki ya mboka nyonso ya pembe. Burundi naino azali na makambo ya politiki mpe eteni oyo ebebisaka kimia na mbula ebele. Tango bato ya Congo baye babetele pene na ekuke bakozala, ezali komemela Burundi likama ya kobakisa mikakatano kati na bikólo na ye.


Baoyo batikali na mabele oyo M23 akangaki bakoyeba polele ete bozwi te bopemi ya solo. Likambo oyo M23 asalaki na bisika mosusu ezali kosangisa mosala ya makasi, kofuta mpako na mbongo makasi, politiki ya makasi mpe koboma mongongo ya bato. Bilenge mibali mingi balobi ete bazali kolandamwa, mpo na kobengama na mosala ya bitumba to mpo na kobebisama soki basaleli bango monoko ya boyokani na Leta to ba milisie ya Leta. Zando ezali kosala na bokengi; mikakatano ezali na kotambola; mpe esika ya bato na nzela ya kimia ezali kokita na lokolo ya bokonzi ya rebelé. Uvira sik’oyo akoti na njila wana, mpe yango ezali na nkama ya mikakatano mpo na makoki ya bato mpe bomoi ya bato ya civili.


Kobebana ya diplomasi


Likambo ya kokamwa mingi ezali tango oyo makambo esalemaki. Mikolo miike liboso, bakalaka ya Rwanda mpe Congo basignaki boyokani ya kimia na Washington, oyo bazalaki kolobela lokola libaku ya sika na bitumba oyo esalaki bato kolela ebele ya bilembo ya diplomasi. Kasi boyokani yango eteyaki te M23, mpe etali te malonga ya masanga ya ba milisie ebele oyo ezali na este ya Congo. Yango wana esalemaki ete boyokani yango ezala na makambo ebele ya nse oyo esalaki ete ebongama te.


Atako bongo, bato mingi bamonaki te ete bolongani yango ekobebana mbala moko boye. Kokanga Uvira ezali kokweyisa sango ya boyokani, mpe ezali kotuna makanisi ya solo likolo ya diplomasi. Boyokani kati na bikólo ezali na ntina, kasi ezali moke na esika oyo bato oyo babunda makasi bazali libanda ya bakonzi ya politiki. Bitumba ya Congo ezali te likambo ya kopekisa na boyokani ya baboti mibale. Bokonzi na este ya Congo etongama na masanga ya sima-sima, maboko ya eteni, kotomboka mpo na biloko mpe lisungi ya nzela ya libanda oyo ezali kobongwana tango nyonso. Soki makambo oyo emonisami te na mesa ya boyokani, diplomasi ekobakisa kaka mabe ya ba oyo bazali na bitumba mpe ezali te na masanga ya politiki.


Etando ya etúká: biloko ya likama oyo ezali kobakisama


Este ya Congo ezalaki tango nyonso bitumba ya mokili mobimba, atako ebandaki na kati ya mboka. Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi mpe Tanzani balandaka makambo nyonso oyo esalemaka na ekuke ya Congo. Kokangama ya Uvira ebakisi mitalatala mibu na makambo mingi.


Ya liboso, pene ya Uvira na Burundi ezali kokotisa Burundi na pasi mingi, mpo na ete akoki te kokotisa bato mingi oyo bakimi to kopekisa bato oyo bazali koluka kopɛpɛsa ekuke mpo na mbongo to biloko. Bato ya mabe, babengaka bato na bitumba mpe bato ya kosomba biloko na nzela ya mayi bazali na bomoi na esika oyo ekuke ekomi polele na pasi ya bato oyo bakimi. Soki M23 akondimama na bokonzi ya administratif na Uvira, akoki koluka kosala bobele mpe mabe na ndenge ya kopesa bopusi na biloko nyonso oyo ekomi kokota na Burundi.


Ya mibale, mituna likoló ya makoki ya Rwanda ezali kaka kobima, atako Kigali elobi te ete azali kosunga M23. Makomi ebele ya bato ya libanda elobaka ete Rwanda apesaka M23 lisungi ya bitumba, biloko ya bitumba, mayele mpe ntango mosusu basoda. Soki boye ezali solo, Rwanda ezali kotombola eloko na ye mpo na kosala mabele ekóma ndenge alingi. Soki Kigali amonaka ete bolongani ya M23 ezali kopesa ye makoki ya kolongola mokano na ye na este ya Congo, tokoki komona ebandeli ya esika ya sika ya bitumba na etando ya bikólo.


Ya misato, masanga mosusu ya arme oyo ezali na Congo bakoki komona ete bolongi ya M23 ezali elembo ete Leta ezali komona te ete ezali na bokasi. Yango ekoki kosalisa ete bitumba ebebana lisusu na bisika mosusu, mpe Congo ekóma mokili oyo ebukani na bituka ebele.


Bitumba ya biloko mpe mbongo


Este ya Congo ezali na bomengo mingi. Coltan, mwombo, étain mpe biloko mosusu ezali kopesa biloko na mokili mobimba kasi ezali mpe komemya pasi ya bato. Moto oyo akangaka mabele akangaka mpe mbongo. Botondi ya M23 na Uvira ekopesa ye nzela ya mayi na Lake Tanganyika. Oyo ekoki kosalema lokola nzela ya kosomba biloko ya mabe, mpe yango ekobakisa bitumba oyo esungaka masanga ebele ya bitumba.


Leta ya Congo, oyo ezali kobebana na bitumba ebele, akoki kopola lisusu kati na mabele mpe kati na bokonzi ya biloko ya mayaka ya mabele. Soki azangi yango, akokoka te kofuta basoda, kotonga mabongisi ya Leta to kotambwisa mboka malamu.


Nzela ya kimia mpe likama ya ete bitumba ekóma makasi koleka


Tango mokili ezali kotala pasi ya bato, tosengeli mpe kotala ndenge ya kokende na sima ya M23. Tango basali mabe bakokoka kotonga mabongisi ya Leta na mabele, bakoki kotonga mbongo, police, ba tribinale, bafungola ya mombongo mpe ba bureau administratif. Oyo ezali kopesa ndenge ya kimia ya lokuta, mpe ezali kosala ete kosukisa bitumba ekóma mpasi. Soki rebelé azali na bokonzi, akóma mpasi kobengana na mesa ya boyokani.


Yango wana tokoki komona ete Uvira ezali te engumba ya suka ekokwea soki bikólo ya etando ebongi te komibokola mpo na kopikisa M23. Kasi bitumba mpenza te ekozwa mpe kosilka. Makambu oyo esungi bitumba masolo moke mpo na mbongo mpo na nzela ya boyokani, etongisa boyokani na bato. Oyo esengeli komona mosapi na politiki mpe mosungi ya mbongo ya libanda.


Libaku ya sika, soki mabe to malamu


Kokangama ya Uvira na M23 ezali elembo ya mokili ya pasi ya este ya Congo. Emonisaki mabe ya diplomasi oyo etambwisami na lombango, epesaki lisusu mitungisi ya kala ya bitumba na etando, mpe epesaki bato pene nkoto koleka na pasi ya mpenza. Makambo yango ekokóma na bikólo nyonso ya pembe ya Lake Tanganyika. Ekobongola boyokani kati na Congo mpe baboti na ye, ekosala makambo ya bato mpe mombongo na etando, mpe ekotinda makambo ya bitumba to kimia mpo na mibu ezali koya.


Mpo na sik’oyo, Uvira ezali na bokonzi ya rebelé. Bato na ye bazali kozela koyeba lolenge ya bokonzi yango. Baboti na ye bazali komibatela mpo na biloko ekoya. Leta na ye ezali komona likambo ya bomoi to liwa mpo na bokonzi na ye. Mpe mokili mobimba esengeli komituna lisusu likoló ya kimia na mokili oyo masanga ya bitumba nde ezali kotambwisa mbongo mpe makambo.


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Community Support Center / CSC-Abasi, ONG moko ya Uvira oyo esalelaka basi mpe bana oyo bakimaki bitumba na este ya RDC, www.csc-drc.org, azali mosala ya baninga ya Ukraine Development Trust, www.development-foundation.org, monganga ya Lviv Herald, mpe oyo mokambi ya minene ya yango azali membre ya World Economic Forum.

 
 

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