top of page

Russian hybrid attacks on Europe

  • Jan 3
  • 4 min read

Wednesday 3 January 2026


Russian hybrid attacks on Europe have become one of the defining features of the continent’s security environment in the years since the end of the Cold War, and particularly since the Kremlin’s decision to pursue overt military aggression against Ukraine. Hybrid attack is not a term invented in Moscow, but Russia has refined its use into a coherent, persistent strategy that sits deliberately below the threshold of declared war, while nevertheless producing real political, economic and social damage across European states. These attacks are designed not to conquer territory outright, but to corrode confidence, fragment societies and weaken the political will of European governments to act collectively.


At the heart of Russia’s hybrid approach lies a simple calculation. Europe’s strength rests not only on military capability, but on social cohesion, institutional trust, economic interdependence and legal restraint. Hybrid attacks aim to exploit these features by turning them into vulnerabilities. By operating in the grey zone between peace and war, Russia forces European governments into a dilemma: respond forcefully and risk escalation, or tolerate the attack and accept gradual erosion of security and sovereignty.


One of the most visible forms of Russian hybrid attack has been information warfare. Russian state and state-aligned media outlets, social media operations and proxy websites have systematically sought to manipulate public opinion across Europe. These campaigns are rarely subtle. They amplify existing social divisions, exaggerate migration fears, undermine trust in democratic institutions and portray European support for Ukraine as reckless or self-destructive. The objective is not necessarily to convince majorities of a single narrative, but to create confusion, cynicism and fatigue. When citizens no longer trust any source of information, democratic decision-making becomes paralysed.


Closely linked to information warfare is political interference. Russian intelligence services and associated networks have cultivated relationships with political parties, activists and opinion leaders across Europe, particularly those hostile to European integration or sympathetic to authoritarian governance. Financial support, favourable media coverage and informal networks have been used to strengthen voices that call for withdrawal from collective security commitments or the lifting of sanctions against Russia. Even when such actors do not command power, they can influence political discourse, shift debate and constrain mainstream parties by normalising pro-Russian positions.


Cyber operations form another pillar of Russian hybrid strategy. European governments, parliaments, energy providers, hospitals and transport systems have all been targeted by Russian-linked cyber attacks. These operations often stop short of causing mass casualties, but they demonstrate capability and intent while imposing real costs. A cyber attack that disrupts a hospital’s systems or a rail network’s scheduling undermines public confidence in the state’s ability to provide basic services. Attribution is deliberately obscured, allowing Russia to deny responsibility and complicating collective responses under international law.


Energy has long been a central instrument of Russian influence, and it continues to play a hybrid role even as Europe seeks to diversify away from Russian supplies. For decades Russia used gas contracts, pricing disputes and selective supply interruptions to reward compliant governments and punish those that challenged her interests. While Europe has made significant progress in reducing dependence on Russian energy since 2022, the legacy of this strategy remains visible in political debates, infrastructure vulnerabilities and long-term contractual disputes. Energy coercion, even when partially blunted, leaves lasting scars.


More recently, Russia has expanded her hybrid toolkit to include the deliberate manipulation of migration flows. The orchestration of irregular migrant movements towards the borders of Poland, Finland and the Baltic states, often via Belarus, illustrates how human beings can be weaponised for political pressure. These operations place strain on border services, inflame domestic political tensions and test the solidarity of the European Union. They also exploit Europe’s legal and humanitarian commitments, turning compassion into a perceived weakness.


Physical sabotage has also emerged as a disturbing feature of the hybrid landscape. Attacks on undersea cables, energy pipelines and logistics infrastructure in and around Europe have raised fears of a sustained campaign against critical systems. Such acts are difficult to investigate conclusively, particularly in maritime environments, but their strategic effect is clear. They remind European societies of their dependence on fragile networks that underpin modern life, and they create an atmosphere of vulnerability without a single shot being fired.


Hybrid attacks also extend into the economic and legal spheres. Strategic litigation, corruption, opaque investment and the use of shell companies allow Russian interests to embed themselves within European economies. Ports, real estate, media outlets and technology firms have all served as entry points for influence. Even where such investments are legal, they can create dependencies and conflicts of interest that complicate policy decisions, particularly at moments of crisis.


What unites these diverse activities is their cumulative effect. Each individual action may appear manageable, ambiguous or even deniable. Together they constitute a sustained campaign to weaken Europe’s internal resilience and collective resolve. Hybrid attacks are not about dramatic victories, but about slow attrition. They aim to convince European societies that resistance is costly, unity is fragile and accommodation with Russia is inevitable.


Europe’s response to this challenge has improved, but it remains uneven. Intelligence sharing has expanded, cyber defences have strengthened and awareness of disinformation has grown. The European Union and NATO have both acknowledged hybrid threats as central to their security agendas. Yet legal frameworks, political cultures and risk tolerance still vary widely across the continent. Hybrid attacks exploit these differences, targeting the weakest points in the collective architecture.


The war in Ukraine has clarified what is ultimately at stake. Hybrid attacks on Europe are not an alternative to conventional war, but a complement to it. They prepare the ground, shape perceptions and constrain responses. They also test Europe’s ability to defend not only her borders, but her values, institutions and social fabric. The lesson of recent years is that deterrence must operate across the full spectrum of conflict, including information, cyber, economic and legal domains.


Russian hybrid attacks will not end with a ceasefire in Ukraine. They are an expression of a strategic worldview that sees Europe as divided, decadent and vulnerable to pressure short of war. Countering them requires patience, transparency and a willingness to invest in resilience at home as well as defence abroad. It also requires a clear understanding that hybrid attacks are not merely irritants or isolated incidents. They are a form of conflict, and Europe’s response will shape her security for decades to come.

 
 

Note from Matthew Parish, Editor-in-Chief. The Lviv Herald is a unique and independent source of analytical journalism about the war in Ukraine and its aftermath, and all the geopolitical and diplomatic consequences of the war as well as the tremendous advances in military technology the war has yielded. To achieve this independence, we rely exclusively on donations. Please donate if you can, either with the buttons at the top of this page or become a subscriber via www.patreon.com/lvivherald.

Copyright (c) Lviv Herald 2024-25. All rights reserved.  Accredited by the Armed Forces of Ukraine after approval by the State Security Service of Ukraine. To view our policy on the anonymity of authors, please click the "About" page.

bottom of page