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The Death of the Navy: Are Warships Becoming Obsolete?

1 hour ago
13 min read

By Matthew Parish


Friday 13 November 2026


For several centuries, the possession of a powerful navy was one of the defining characteristics of a great power. The British Empire was constructed upon the proposition that whoever controlled the seas controlled the world. The Royal Navy was the instrument by which a relatively small island nation projected military force across the globe, maintained its commercial supremacy and intimidated foreign governments into accepting British diplomatic demands. The Americans inherited this philosophy, constructing an enormous fleet of aircraft carriers, destroyers, submarines and other warships capable of projecting overwhelming military power almost anywhere on the planet. The Russians, never particularly comfortable with the concept of maritime supremacy, nevertheless invested enormous resources in a navy intended to demonstrate that they too belonged amongst the world's great powers. The Chinese have followed suit, building warships at a remarkable rate as part of their ambition to challenge American military dominance in the Pacific.


Yet the war in Ukraine has raised a distinctly uncomfortable question for the world's admirals. What happens when an enemy without a conventional navy can destroy your warships using relatively inexpensive unmanned weapons? What becomes of the enormous investments in naval architecture, specialist shipyards, sophisticated weapons systems and the training of tens of thousands of sailors when your opponent can dispatch a small explosive drone to achieve much the same result as a battleship's broadside? We may be approaching an era in which the world's great naval powers discover that they have spent extraordinary sums of money acquiring increasingly elaborate floating targets.


On 11 November 2026, Ukraine's Security Service announced that it had attacked the Russian missile corvette Naro-Fominsk in the Gulf of Finland, close to Russia's Baltic coastline. Finland's military confirmed detecting a strike against a Russian warship, while reports from Estonia indicated an explosion and smoke aboard a Russian vessel that subsequently headed towards St Petersburg. The precise weapon employed and the extent of the damage remain uncertain. Nevertheless, the essential military significance of the incident is difficult to overlook. Ukraine, a country whose conventional naval forces were largely eliminated or rendered ineffective in the early stages of the full-scale Russian invasion, has demonstrated that Russian naval assets may be vulnerable even in waters far removed from Ukraine's coastline.


The irony is substantial. Russia's navy was originally intended to help establish command of the Black Sea, isolate Ukraine economically and provide a platform from which Russian missiles could strike Ukrainian cities with relative impunity. Instead, Ukraine has systematically attacked Russian warships, naval installations and maritime infrastructure with an assortment of anti-ship missiles, aerial drones and unmanned surface vessels. The sinking of the Russian flagship Moskva in April 2022 was the first spectacular demonstration of this vulnerability. Subsequent operations forced much of the Russian Black Sea Fleet to abandon its traditional base at Sevastopol in favour of facilities farther east. A country possessing virtually no conventional navy had succeeded in imposing severe operational restrictions upon one of the world's largest naval forces.


This is not entirely without historical precedent. The development of naval warfare has always been characterised by expensive technologies becoming obsolete shortly after their introduction. The nineteenth century witnessed the replacement of wooden sailing ships by steam-powered ironclads, followed by increasingly enormous steel battleships. The construction of HMS Dreadnought in 1906 rendered much of the world's existing battleship fleet outdated almost overnight. Governments responded by spending colossal sums building new battleships, only to discover during the Second World War that aircraft could destroy them from considerable distances. The sinking of the British battleship HMS Prince of Wales and the battlecruiser HMS Repulse by Japanese aircraft off Malaya in December 1941 was particularly humiliating. Two prestigious capital ships had been destroyed by an enemy they could barely see, providing a brutal demonstration that naval prestige was no substitute for appropriate defensive technology.


The aircraft carrier subsequently became the dominant instrument of naval warfare. Rather than exchanging artillery shells with enemy warships, carriers launched aircraft capable of attacking targets hundreds of miles away. The United States perfected this form of warfare, developing enormous carrier battle groups supported by sophisticated destroyers, submarines and reconnaissance systems. For decades, the arrival of an American aircraft carrier off a hostile coastline was understood as a diplomatic event of considerable importance. It announced that Washington possessed both the capability and the political will to intervene militarily. The carrier was not merely a warship but a floating declaration of American power, equipped with aircraft, missiles, radar systems and enough accompanying vessels to constitute a small independent military expedition.


The difficulty is that technological progress has increasingly favoured those seeking to destroy expensive naval platforms rather than those constructing them. Modern satellites, long-range reconnaissance drones, precision-guided missiles and increasingly sophisticated electronic surveillance systems make it harder for large warships to remain concealed. A carrier may be capable of launching dozens of aircraft, but it also represents an extraordinarily valuable concentration of personnel, equipment and strategic capability. An enemy does not necessarily need to sink it. Damaging its flight deck, propulsion systems or critical communications equipment may be sufficient to remove it from combat for an extended period. In a war against a technologically capable adversary, a carrier battle group may spend a disproportionate amount of its resources protecting itself rather than attacking the enemy.


The economic mathematics are increasingly disturbing. A modern destroyer or frigate may cost hundreds of millions or billions of dollars, while a sophisticated aircraft carrier can cost substantially more. Certain naval drones can be manufactured for a tiny fraction of those sums. Even if a warship successfully intercepts dozens of attacking drones, its defensive missiles may be far more expensive than the weapons it is destroying. Moreover, defensive missile stocks are finite. An attacker who can launch repeated waves of inexpensive weapons may eventually exhaust a ship's defensive capacity or compel it to withdraw for replenishment. This is not merely a technological problem but an economic one, because the defender may become financially exhausted even while achieving a remarkable tactical success rate.


The same phenomenon has emerged in the Red Sea, where relatively inexpensive weapons employed by Houthi forces in Yemen have obliged Western navies to undertake prolonged defensive operations. Advanced warships designed to fight sophisticated adversaries have found themselves intercepting drones and missiles launched by a comparatively poorly equipped non-state movement. The defensive systems have frequently proved effective, but the cost of maintaining them and replenishing their ammunition has been substantial. A military organisation does not necessarily need to defeat a navy in conventional battle to impose severe costs upon it. It may simply need to make the continued deployment of that navy prohibitively expensive.


Ukraine has taken this logic considerably further. Its maritime drones are not simply crude explosive boats, although some of the earliest models might reasonably have been described in those terms. They have evolved into sophisticated unmanned platforms equipped with increasingly elaborate navigation, communications, surveillance and weapons systems. Their effectiveness depends not merely upon their individual technological capabilities but upon their integration into wider networks of intelligence collection, satellite communications and military planning. A warship facing one approaching drone may have little difficulty destroying it. A warship facing multiple threats from different directions, potentially coordinated with aerial drones and missiles, confronts an altogether more complicated problem. The advantage of the attacker lies in being able to distribute its weapons across numerous inexpensive platforms while forcing the defender to concentrate its most valuable assets in a relatively small number of highly vulnerable vessels.


There is a philosophical dimension to this transformation. Traditional naval warfare was based upon the concentration of force. The great admirals of history assembled fleets capable of delivering overwhelming firepower at a decisive moment. Admiral Nelson's achievement at Trafalgar consisted in organising and directing a fleet of crewed fighting ships whose commanders could exercise judgement amid the chaos of battle. Modern autonomous warfare reverses much of this logic. Firepower can be dispersed amongst hundreds of small platforms that need not contain a single human being. Military effectiveness becomes less a question of constructing the most powerful individual vessel and more a question of coordinating large numbers of comparatively expendable weapons. The centre of military power migrates from the physical platform to the intelligence and communications networks controlling it.


Nevertheless, it would be premature to conclude that navies have become obsolete. There is a fundamental distinction between denying an enemy control of the sea and exercising maritime control oneself. Ukraine has demonstrated an extraordinary capacity to prevent Russia from using large portions of the Black Sea freely, but this does not mean that Ukrainian drones could escort merchant convoys across the Atlantic, maintain a permanent military presence in the Indian Ocean or transport an expeditionary force to a distant continent. Destroying enemy warships is one thing. Protecting global commerce, ensuring freedom of navigation and sustaining military operations thousands of miles from friendly territory are entirely different tasks. These functions require endurance, logistics, human expertise and capabilities that small unmanned attack craft cannot yet provide.


The geography of the Black Sea and Baltic Sea must also be taken into account. Both are relatively confined bodies of water, surrounded by states whose territories can accommodate surveillance equipment, aircraft, missile batteries and drone launch facilities. The distances involved are modest compared with those encountered in the Pacific or Indian Oceans. A drone or missile launched from a friendly coastline may be able to reach an enemy ship without requiring elaborate logistical support. Attempting to replicate the same operation in the middle of the Pacific presents much greater difficulties. Unmanned systems require energy, maintenance, communications and reliable navigation. Their effectiveness may decline substantially in extreme weather or when sophisticated electronic warfare disrupts their control systems.


This distinction becomes particularly important when considering the military competition between China and the United States. China has invested heavily in anti-ship ballistic missiles, submarines, naval aviation and its own expanding surface fleet, partly with the objective of preventing American forces from intervening successfully in a conflict over Taiwan. American aircraft carriers operating near the Chinese coastline might face exceptionally dangerous conditions. Yet the United States could hardly abandon its navy without surrendering much of its ability to maintain alliances, protect shipping routes and intervene in distant conflicts. American naval power would not simply disappear as a strategic requirement because large surface vessels had become vulnerable. Rather, Washington would need to discover ways of exercising maritime influence without concentrating so much military capability in a handful of exceptionally expensive platforms.


Submarines represent an intriguing exception to the growing vulnerability of surface warships. Nuclear-powered submarines can remain submerged for extended periods, travel considerable distances without refuelling and threaten enemy ships or land installations without revealing their positions. Ballistic missile submarines remain central to the nuclear deterrents of the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China. Their essential strategic function is to remain sufficiently difficult to locate that an adversary cannot confidently destroy them in a pre-emptive attack. Although underwater drones and advanced acoustic detection systems may eventually challenge this assumption, submarines currently retain advantages that large surface warships do not enjoy. Indeed, a future navy might invest more heavily in underwater warfare precisely because the surface of the ocean has become such a dangerous environment.


There are limits to this optimism about submarines. Autonomous underwater vehicles, distributed acoustic sensors and artificial intelligence may eventually make the oceans more transparent than they have historically been. Advances in data processing could allow military organisations to identify patterns of underwater movement that conventional sonar operators would overlook. Submarines may consequently find themselves confronting the same problem currently facing surface fleets: the gradual erosion of their ability to remain concealed. The history of military technology suggests that whenever one weapon system acquires an apparently decisive advantage, rival technologies emerge to challenge it. There is no particular reason to suppose that submarines will prove an eternal exception to this rule.


The Royal Navy provides an interesting illustration of how traditional maritime powers are beginning to respond. Britain is pursuing a concept known as the hybrid navy, combining conventional crewed warships with unmanned surface vessels, underwater drones and autonomous aircraft. In November 2026 the Royal Navy established its first autonomous surface-vessel squadron and announced further investment in underwater drones and sensors intended to protect Atlantic infrastructure and monitor submarine activity. The intention is not to abolish the traditional fleet overnight but to distribute its capabilities across a much wider network of platforms. Britain is beginning to recognise that a smaller number of extraordinarily sophisticated ships may not provide the resilience required in a future conflict.


There is, however, a considerable institutional obstacle to such reform. Navies are amongst the most conservative organisations in the world, and for understandable reasons. A warship takes years to design, additional years to construct and may remain in service for several decades. Naval officers develop their professional careers around particular types of vessels and the traditions associated with them. Governments like commissioning impressive warships because they provide visible evidence of national military investment. A politician standing upon the deck of a new aircraft carrier, surrounded by sailors in immaculate uniforms, can plausibly claim to be defending the nation. The same politician standing beside a warehouse containing several hundred small autonomous boats may find the public relations opportunities somewhat less satisfying, however militarily effective those boats might prove.


The result is a danger that governments will continue purchasing equipment appropriate to the previous century while paying insufficient attention to the requirements of the next. This is hardly unprecedented. European armies entered the First World War with elaborate cavalry formations whose military utility was rapidly eclipsed by machine guns, artillery and barbed wire. The French constructed the Maginot Line before the Second World War, investing heavily in an elaborate system of fixed defences that German forces subsequently bypassed. Military institutions often possess a remarkable capacity to perfect yesterday's solutions while failing to anticipate tomorrow's problems. A navy consisting of enormously expensive surface vessels may eventually be viewed in the same way as a cavalry regiment equipped with beautifully groomed horses: splendid to behold, magnificent in ceremonial circumstances and increasingly difficult to justify on an actual battlefield.


There is another reason why conventional navies will not disappear, and it concerns the distinction between war and peace. Warships perform numerous functions that do not involve fighting other warships. They intercept smugglers, investigate suspicious vessels, protect commercial shipping, enforce maritime sanctions, evacuate civilians and provide assistance following natural disasters. They undertake intelligence collection and demonstrate political commitment to allied governments. A drone may be capable of destroying a hostile vessel, but it cannot necessarily board a merchant ship, negotiate with its captain, rescue survivors from the water or supervise the delivery of humanitarian assistance. These tasks require people, equipment and considerable operational endurance. Indeed, the increasing vulnerability of commercial shipping may make some of these traditional naval functions more important rather than less.


The future may therefore lie not in the abolition of navies but in their radical reorganisation. Instead of concentrating their fighting power in a relatively small number of expensive vessels, maritime forces may increasingly consist of distributed networks containing crewed ships, autonomous surface craft, underwater vehicles, satellites and land-based missile systems. The larger ships that survive will function partly as command centres, logistical platforms and mobile bases for smaller autonomous weapons. Their value will depend less upon their individual firepower than upon their capacity to coordinate dispersed military assets. A warship's most important weapon may eventually become its ability to process information and direct unmanned systems operating hundreds of miles away.


Such a transformation would also alter the balance of international power. Historically, only wealthy states could afford powerful navies. Constructing aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines and sophisticated destroyers requires enormous industrial resources and technological expertise. Autonomous weapons potentially lower the financial threshold at which smaller countries can threaten major naval powers. Ukraine's experience suggests that even a country fighting for its survival, and possessing limited conventional maritime resources, can impose extraordinary costs upon an adversary's fleet. Other states will study these achievements carefully. The proliferation of inexpensive naval weapons could make the world's most important maritime chokepoints increasingly dangerous, complicating the maintenance of international commerce and exposing the vulnerabilities of countries dependent upon imported energy and food.


This possibility has particularly uncomfortable implications for globalisation. Modern international commerce depends upon the assumption that merchant ships can travel across the oceans with a reasonable expectation of safety. A substantial proportion of the world's goods, including vital commodities, travels by sea. If relatively inexpensive autonomous weapons allow hostile states or irregular movements to threaten shipping routes without possessing conventional navies, maritime trade may become increasingly vulnerable to disruption. Insurance costs will rise, shipping companies will divert vessels and governments may find themselves obliged to devote greater resources to protecting commercial navigation. Paradoxically, the proliferation of weapons capable of destroying warships may ultimately require states to maintain more extensive maritime security forces, albeit composed of rather different technologies from those familiar to previous generations.


We may also be approaching the end of the traditional distinction between armies, navies and air forces. A missile fired from land may destroy a ship hundreds of miles offshore. An aerial drone may attack a naval installation, while an unmanned surface vessel may carry missiles capable of engaging aircraft. Satellites supply the intelligence, electronic warfare systems interfere with the communications and autonomous software coordinates the weapons. The battlefield becomes an interconnected technological environment in which the physical location of an individual weapons platform matters less than its ability to contribute to a wider network of military force. The division of the armed services into separate institutions, each with its own procurement priorities and professional hierarchies, may eventually become an impediment to effective military planning.


The most important lesson from Ukraine is therefore not that warships are useless, but that technological superiority can be extraordinarily fragile. Russia possessed a navy that Ukraine could not hope to match through conventional means. Ukraine responded by changing the nature of the contest. Rather than attempting to construct a fleet capable of defeating Russian warships in traditional naval engagements, it developed relatively inexpensive systems designed to exploit their vulnerabilities. Russia's considerable investments in conventional maritime power became less decisive because Ukraine declined to fight the sort of naval war for which those investments had been made.


The world's admirals should contemplate this development with some unease. Their greatest danger may not be that the oceans will cease to matter, but that the familiar instruments through which they have exercised maritime power will become increasingly expensive liabilities. Aircraft carriers, frigates and destroyers will undoubtedly continue to exist for some considerable time, just as tanks and military aircraft have survived repeated predictions of their imminent obsolescence. Yet their roles, defensive requirements and strategic value will change substantially. The navies that adapt successfully will be those that understand that maintaining control of the sea is a strategic objective rather than a commitment to preserving any particular kind of warship.


There is a final irony in all this. The Russian Empire spent centuries attempting to establish itself as a great naval power, from Peter the Great's construction of a Baltic fleet to the Soviet Union's extraordinary investments in submarines and surface vessels. Russia's contemporary navy remains an important symbol of national prestige, even as its operational freedom has been challenged by a country whose most effective maritime weapons often contain no sailors at all. The spectacle of a Russian missile corvette reportedly retreating towards St Petersburg after a Ukrainian drone attack would have been almost inconceivable to the admirals of an earlier generation. Yet it captures an essential truth about modern military affairs: a powerful navy is no longer necessarily composed of powerful ships.


The navy of the future may consist increasingly of weapons that resemble neither ships nor traditional naval aircraft, controlled by operators who never go to sea and coordinated by computer systems that process information faster than any human commander. Its most formidable vessels may be those that cannot readily be seen, while its most effective weapons may be those that can be manufactured cheaply enough to lose in large numbers. The great naval battles of the future may be fought without a single sailor setting eyes upon an enemy vessel, and perhaps without the enemy ever knowing precisely where the attack originated.


Navies will survive, because the oceans remain indispensable to international security and commerce. What may not survive is the traditional conception of naval greatness, measured in the displacement of battleships, the number of aircraft carriers or the magnificence of a fleet assembled for ceremonial review. The age of the admiral surveying his formidable collection of warships from the bridge of a flagship may be drawing towards its conclusion. His successor might be a comparatively unremarkable individual sitting in front of a computer screen, directing a swarm of inexpensive autonomous weapons towards a target that costs a thousand times as much.


Nelson might have been appalled. He might also, being an exceptionally intelligent naval commander, have recognised the advantages immediately.

 
 

Note from Matthew Parish, Editor-in-Chief. The Lviv Herald is a unique and independent source of analytical journalism about the war in Ukraine and its aftermath, and all the geopolitical and diplomatic consequences of the war as well as the tremendous advances in military technology the war has yielded. To achieve this independence, we rely exclusively on donations. Please donate if you can, with the buttons at the top of this page.

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