Kyiv’s Perspective on the Twenty-Eight Points

Rumours of a twenty-eight-point peace plan circulating between Washington and Moscow oblige Kyiv to read such proposals with caution, constitutional fidelity and strategic clarity. After more than a decade of Russian aggression, Ukraine’s priority is not merely to stop the shooting but to restore her sovereignty, secure her borders permanently and ensure that the sacrifices of her citizens are not converted into diplomatic concessions that entrench a hostile occupation. From Kyiv’s perspective, the supposed twenty-eight points are not a ready-made peace settlement but a diagnostic map of foreign expectations, pressures and potential avenues for negotiation.

What follows is a reconstruction of the plan through the lens of Ukrainian political, legal and strategic thinking.

1. Immediate cessation of offensive operations

Kyiv recognises the humanitarian necessity of halting missile and drone attacks. However she is wary of any ceasefire that functions as an operational pause for Russia to regroup. A cessation of hostilities must be tied to tangible Russian withdrawal, not simply a freeze.

2. Stabilisation lines based on actual control

Ukraine views this as unacceptable. It would lock in territorial losses and contradict her Constitution, which forbids the recognition of altered borders without nationwide consent. Kyiv regards any plan premised on current lines as rewarding aggression.

3. Withdrawal of heavy weaponry

Ukraine supports symmetrical withdrawal verified by a robust international mission. She insists that Russian heavy systems must be withdrawn from all occupied territories, not merely repositioned.

4. Comprehensive prisoner exchanges

This is strongly supported. Kyiv has long fought for the return of prisoners, abducted civilians and especially children deported to Russia.

5. A ban on long-range missile use

Ukraine would only consider such a moratorium if Russia ceases all strikes on civilian infrastructure. Without reciprocity, this would fatally restrict Ukrainian self-defence.

6. International monitoring mission

Kyiv would welcome such a mission provided that it is genuinely neutral, empowered to enforce compliance and excludes any Russian participation. A weak mission is viewed as worse than none.

7. Humanitarian access corridors

Ukraine sees humanitarian access as essential but insists that international agencies must also gain access to sites of deportation, filtration and detention, which Moscow has repeatedly concealed.

8. Progressive demilitarisation zones

These may be acceptable only if applied symmetrically and enforced rigorously. Kyiv fears that Russia would exploit demilitarised space to infiltrate forces, as she has done previously.

9. Moratorium on large-scale mobilisation

Kyiv resists limits on mobilisation while fighting a war of survival. Any moratorium must be tied to verified Russian demobilisation and troop withdrawal.

10. Ukrainian neutrality

This is a red line. Neutrality is unconstitutional, politically impossible and strategically indefensible after the repeated invasions of 2014 and 2022. Public support for NATO membership is overwhelming.

11. Security guarantees for Ukraine

Kyiv would support genuine security guarantees, provided they include explicit military commitments, rapid response mechanisms and the involvement of major Western states. Vague guarantees are considered worthless.

12. Restrictions on foreign military bases

Ukraine resists long-term constraints on her sovereign right to host training, logistics and support missions. Such restrictions would hobble her defence reform.

13. Limitations on Russian troop presence

Kyiv insists on complete withdrawal. A capped Russian presence institutionalises occupation and undermines sovereignty.

14. Negotiated status of occupied territories

Ukraine rejects any negotiation over sovereignty. The status of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson is constitutionally settled: they are Ukrainian. Only the modalities of their reintegration are negotiable.

15. Special arrangements for Crimea

Kyiv’s position is that Crimea is sovereign Ukrainian territory illegally occupied since 2014. Any special arrangements can only occur after Russian withdrawal, not before.

16. Restoration of Ukrainian control over borders

Ukraine supports this fully but rejects sequencing that delays restoration of border control until the final phase. Early border control is essential to prevent further infiltration.

17. Economic reconstruction fund

Kyiv welcomes such a fund, provided it is not used as leverage to extract political concessions. Reconstruction should be based on international solidarity, not conditionality favourable to Moscow.

18. Russian participation in reconstruction

Ukraine’s position is clear: Russia should pay for the damage she has inflicted. However Kyiv would reject any formula that treats Russian contributions as benevolent assistance rather than reparations.

19. Phased sanctions relief

Kyiv opposes premature sanctions relief. Sanctions should only be lifted after complete Russian withdrawal, not for partial compliance or temporary restraint.

20. Unfreezing of Russian sovereign assets

Ukraine supports using frozen Russian assets for reconstruction. She is sceptical of returning them to Moscow prior to reparations payments. For Kyiv, asset release must be conditional and linked to full restitution.

21. Energy transit guarantees

While Ukraine recognises the economic benefits of stable transit, she insists that Russia must not be allowed to weaponise energy again. Guarantees must include enforcement mechanisms and diversification.

22. Protection of minority rights

Ukraine welcomes minority rights provisions but rejects any implication that Russia has standing to speak for Russian-speakers in Ukraine. Minority protections must be reciprocal and internationally supervised.

23. Return of deported civilians and children

This is an absolute requirement for Kyiv. Any peace arrangement must include full repatriation, documentation of identities and access for international investigators.

24. Resumption of Black Sea and Sea of Azov shipping

Ukraine supports restored maritime routes but insists upon the demilitarisation of maritime threats and the lifting of Russian blockades. Freedom of navigation is non-negotiable.

25. De-mining operations

Ukraine sees large-scale de-mining as indispensable. She insists that Russia must provide complete maps of minefields, which Moscow has previously withheld.

26. Transitional justice mechanisms

Kyiv supports international and hybrid mechanisms to prosecute war crimes. She rejects any political amnesties for atrocities committed in Bucha, Mariupol, Izium and elsewhere.

27. Political normalisation and elections

Ukraine accepts that local elections in formerly occupied territories must occur, but only once security, de-occupation and demilitarisation are complete. Holding elections under Russian presence is impossible.

28. A long-term peace treaty

Kyiv seeks a treaty that restores full territorial integrity, secures permanent security guarantees and ensures the return of all displaced persons. Any treaty that legitimises occupation is unacceptable.

Concluding Reflections from Kyiv

Seen from Kyiv, the twenty-eight points illustrate not a viable peace plan but a diplomatic sketch reflecting external interests and the search for stability by powers not directly invaded. Many points are acceptable in principle if sequenced properly and linked to full Russian withdrawal. Others, particularly those concerning neutrality, territorial compromise and delayed border control, clash with Ukraine’s Constitution and with the political reality of a society that has sacrificed immensely to preserve her independence.

Kyiv’s core view is that peace must not be purchased with the partition of the state or the abandonment of citizens under occupation. The war ends not with stabilised lines, but with sovereignty restored and deterrence rebuilt. Anything less would invite future conflict.